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Maria
Sanchez: Godmother of the Puerto Rican Community
By
José E. Cruz
This entry is courtesy of Hog
River Journal , where it originally appeared in the
Summer, 2003 issue.
The closest thing to a Hollywood walk of fame
Hartford had was the entrance to the city's public library. As patrons
approached the library's main door [prior to the 2004 renovation]
they saw a group of stars embedded in the ground naming Hartfordians
known for their contributions to politics, science, literature,
and the arts. One of these stars was dedicated to someone dear to
Puerto Ricans in the city: María Sánchez. In Frog
Hollow, an elementary school bears Sánchez's name. During
the last years of her life she was known as the godmother of the
Puerto Rican community in the city.
Who was María Sánchez and how did
she come to deserve these honors? In many ways, her story is the
story of the Puerto Rican community in Hartford. Like most Puerto
Ricans coming to the city in the 1950s, she was of humble origins.
Her journey from the town of Comerío to the Insurance City
was prompted by the same political and economic forces that drove
tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans from the warmth of the Caribbean
to frigid New England. The colonial acquisition of Puerto Rico by
the United States in 1898 established the links that made American
cities points of destination for Puerto Rican migrants, and the
restructuring of Puerto Rico's economy by American capitalists made
the move to these destinations necessary. Sánchez was not
thinking about colonialism and capitalism when she left Puerto Rico.
More likely, her move was triggered by personal considerations but
her case is emblematic. And once in Hartford, a seemingly nonpolitical
decision quickly led to a lifetime of political activity.
After arriving in Hartford in 1954, Sánchez
was introduced to politics by Olga Mele, another Puerto Rican pioneer
who had relocated in Hartford in 1941. This was part of a concerted
effort to promote Puerto Rican political participation. As Mele
recalled to me in 1992: “We began registering voters in 1950...
I helped the Americanos get the Puerto Rican vote. I registered
María in 1955, I believe, and her husband and her whole family.”
It was with Mele that Sánchez participated in an act of personal
advocacy that was by extension an action on behalf of Puerto Ricans
in the city. “María Sánchez and I [complained],” said
Mele, “that we couldn't confess because there were no Spanish priests
[at St. Peter's Church]. We used to pay priests to come from New
York... so the church saw that there was a need and in 1955 [the
Spanish-speaking] Father Cooney was appointed... and he was put
in charge of the Hispanics.” In 1959 Sánchez, Mele, and others
at Sacred Heart Church, demanded the removal of Father Joseph Otto
from the parish for his refusal to move the Spanish-language mass
out of the church basement. The Chancery met the demands of the
petitioners. Because this action involved group mobilization and
conflict it can be considered political. As such, it is probably
the first of the many empowering experiences that María Sánchez
participated in during her life in Hartford.
Political
Activist and Peacemaker
Conflict and competition within political parties
have a way of forcing party elites to pay special attention to emerging
constituencies. In Hartford this was the case in 1957 when James
Kinsella used Puerto Ricans as bullet votes (votes targeted for
a specific candidate) in his attempt to become mayor. The Puerto
Rican community was again the focal point in 1965 during George
Ritter's campaign for a seat on the city council. During that contest
the Democratic Party paid special attention to María Sánchez.
Nicholas Carbone, one of Hartford's political leaders during the
1970s, approached Sánchez and brought her into the effort.
“We were looking to win an election, and every vote was important,”
he recalled in 1991. Also in 1965, 14 Puerto Ricans met at the North
End Democratic Club on Barbour Street to organize the Puerto Rican
Democrats of Hartford. María Sánchez was elected treasurer
of this pioneering group.
In 1969, Sánchez acted as peacemaker during
the incident known as the Comanchero riot. This event originated
in a bar brawl between French Canadians and Puerto Ricans but quickly
became a political incident, giving Puerto Ricans an opportunity
to air longstanding social and economic grievances. At one point
during the disturbances, Sánchez placated a crowd of nearly
150 young men gathered at the intersection of Park and Main streets.
She then brokered a meeting for the community to air its complaints
and concerns. Participants included city councilman Carbone and
City Manager Elisha Freedman. During the meeting, held at the South
Green Multiservice Center on Main Street, Puerto Ricans told stories
of police brutality, of being arrested in disproportionate numbers
and without cause, and of being mistreated even when they tried
to assist the police. Another councilman present, George Athanson,
urged Puerto Ricans to run a candidate for city council. Many thought
this was a good idea, but it did not happen for some time.
During the riot, The Hartford Foundation for
Public Giving announced that it would donate $78,640 to the Greater
Hartford Community Council to address Puerto Rican needs. After
the riot, the local press became more accessible to Puerto Ricans
and was eager to help rebuild the community's image. The community
itself became more unified. Groups such as the Spanish Action Coalition,
an advocacy network that Sánchez helped organize in 1967,
Puerto Rican Action for Progress, the Spanish American Association,
and the Comerieños Ausentes, among others, became more visible
and energized. Throughout the process, Sánchez was a key
actor. Recalling Sánchez's work during this crisis, Juan
“Johnny” Castillo (the father of former councilwoman Yolanda Castillo)
told me in 1992: “María Sánchez did a lot to stop
the rioting, to maintain communication with the police, the firefighters,
and the general public.” Using the funds from the Hartford Foundation
for Public Giving, Sánchez and her colleagues transformed
the Spanish Action Coalition into La Casa de Puerto Rico, the community's
oldest social service agency.
In 1970, nearly half of the Puerto Ricans in
Hartford were under 18 years of age. Almost half, 44 percent, had
migrated to Hartford to improve their economic status. Only 23 percent
had a high school diploma or its equivalent and only 1.5 percent
had a college degree. According to the Census Bureau, 27.6 percent
of “Spanish-language” families, most of whom were surely Puerto
Rican, and 45.1 percent of “Spanish-language” families below the
poverty level received welfare in 1969. Median
income for Hartford's Puerto Ricans in 1970 was $4,556.
Except for age and welfare status, María
Sánchez's own situation—literate but uneducated, employed
but poor—reflected the situation of the Puerto Rican community.
This is how she portrayed herself during a community forum in 1979:
“I know the problem,” she said about housing, “because I suffer
it myself. I also live in a building where the rent is too high
and it gets cold in the winter.” In addition, she had to contend
with perceived drawbacks that, in all likelihood, were ascribed
to her compatriots as well. During our conversation in 1991, Nicholas
Carbone remembered her this way: “We ran María for the school
board and she spoke broken English. She wasn't an attractive woman,
she was heavy, so where would you take her? How did you sell her?
How did you get people to vote for her? And how [did] you get over
the prejudice that she spoke with a thick accent? So we didn't take
her into a lot of neighborhoods.... You had to be practical as you
were trying [to get her] on the school board.”
The
Fight for Bilingual Education
In 1971, Sánchez and University of Hartford
professor Perry Alan Zirkel conceived a teacher-recruitment program,
which, with funding from the federal government, began operations
that year as the Teachers Corps. This program grew out of the longstanding
efforts by Sánchez and others to hire Spanish-speaking teachers
to address the educational needs of the increasing number of Puerto
Rican children in the city's school system. The Teachers Corps brought
many Puerto Ricans to Hartford who later became prominent political
figures in the city. By means of this program, Sánchez contributed
to the development of a cadre of activists who, from the mid-1970s
and through the 1990s, was the community's best hope for political
progress and socioeconomic advancement.
Also in 1971, along with community leaders Esther
Jiménez, Antonio Soto, and Edna Negrón, Sánchez
began to lobby the Board of Education to create a bilingual education
program. Such programs were initially enabled by federal legislation
passed in 1968. As a result of this effort “ la escuelita”
[the little school], a bilingual school, was established in 1972
on Ann Street, in the building formerly housing the St. Patrick/St.
Anthony parochial school. But the campaign for bilingual education
waged by Sánchez and her collaborators did not stop there.
In 1978, as a result of a lawsuit filed in 1976, Puerto Ricans wrested
from the authorities a consent decree mandating bilingual education
throughout the public school system.
In 1973, when a position on the Board of Education
became vacant, she pursued it. Carbone was opposed to this. His
preferred candidate was Edna Negrón, who bluntly told him
to go to hell when he suggested that she was better than Sánchez.
“My English was good, but María had the experience and the
guts to do the job,” Negrón told me in 1993. “Besides, she
had accomplished a lot—the bilingual program, the Teachers Corps—in
spite of her ‘broken English' and lack of education. So the community
stood solidly behind her and we forced Nick to accept her.” That
point was forcefully made in a meeting held at the Caminemos Adult
Learning Center on Albany Avenue, where about 50 people told Carbone
that they were for Sánchez and that was that.
By 1973, when Sánchez ran for the
Board of Education, she had been a resident of Hartford for nearly
20 years. She was the owner of Henry's Newspaper Stand on Albany
Avenue, which doubled as her own political headquarters and a social
service agency of sorts. Her formal partisan business was conducted
within the Democratic town committee, which supported her candidacy.
During the campaign she was recognized as an experienced advocate
of bilingual education. The Hartford Courant emphasized
her endorsement by the Democratic Party, juxtaposing it to the greater
political, administrative, and educational experience of other candidates.
Sánchez was considered a symbol for a disenfranchised community
and her candidacy was seen as a gauge of partisan influence. With
the additional support of the Campaign Committee of the Bilingual
Task Force, a group organized by La Casa de Puerto Rico, Sánchez
became the first Puerto Rican elected to public office in Hartford.
In 1979, Sánchez once again expressed
her interest in a council seat. While she was recognized for her
political savvy, Nick Carbone again dampened her aspiration. Carbone
was truly interested in advancing Puerto Rican interests, but in
his view Sánchez did not have the image nor the qualifications
to serve on the council. The community could have forced him to
accept Sánchez, but this time no pressure was exerted. As
Mildred Torres, a community leader, explained to me in 1991: “The
Hispanic political leadership had been after Nick, who was the controlling
factor in the Democratic political machine, to have a Puerto Rican
seat, and so when that opportunity arose, they went to him and said,
‘You have no excuses now, there's a vacancy and we want it and you
committed [your support for] it and you are gonna give it to us.'
‘So who do you want?'... María Sánchez identified
herself as a candidate and people felt that she had the seat on
the Board of Education and she should stay there.” Ignoring the
will of the Democratic town committee, the endorsement of the mayor,
several councilmen, and of the Hispanic Democratic Reform Club,
Carbone refused to support Sánchez. During a conversation
Antonio Soto and I had in 1991 he said: “María [had always]
wanted to sit on the council and Nick Carbone would not let her.
[Carbone's argument was simply that] the time [was] not right. ‘You
are gonna get in there, and you are going to be all alone, and you
are not going to have anybody on your side....' They made her feel
that she just wasn't ready.” Instead, Carbone threw his weight behind
Mildred Torres, who thus became the first Puerto Rican to occupy
a seat on Hartford's city council.
Elected
State Representative
In 1988, after more than 20 years of service,
Sánchez was ousted from the Democratic town committee in
the sixth district, where she lived and worked. According to Abe
Giles, the party member responsible for this action, Sánchez
was removed after failing to attend meetings and for not signing
a consent slip to renew her membership. According to Giles, this
“mistake” on her part could have been easily corrected except that
“nobody seemed to want to.”
Sánchez saw the situation differently.
She felt Giles, whom she had supported for well over a decade, had
betrayed her. In her removal she saw a conspiracy to quash Puerto
Ricans, who at this point were perceived by many African Americans
as competitors for political power. On June 29, in a fit of ethnic
indignation and personal anger, Sánchez announced she would
run against Giles in a primary. The fight was for a seat on the
state legislature. She won the primary by a narrow 33-vote margin.
After winning the election in November, a victory that crowned her
political career, Sánchez joined Juan Figueroa, also elected
in 1988, and Américo Santiago, from Bridgeport, as the Puerto
Rican delegation to the Connecticut state legislature.
The following year, a string of political victories
in Hartford made the Puerto Rican community ecstatic: Frances Sánchez,
a public school teacher, was elected to the city council; Carmen
Rodríguez, an education administrator, and Pedro Ramos, a
social worker, took seats at the city's Board of Education; Eugenio
Caro, a community activist on the city council, was reelected. The
elation came quickly and abruptly to an end when, on November 25,
1989, María Sánchez was found dead in her apartment,
probably of a heart attack. Unfortunately, the search for her replacement
in 1990 led to divisions within the Puerto Rican political leadership
precisely when unity was most necessary.
María
Sánchez's story belies the conventional wisdom about Puerto
Ricans in the United States in more ways than one. She was a businesswoman,
a dedicated activist, and a politician. While she was concerned
about the status of Puerto Rico, her priority was to improve conditions
for Puerto Ricans in her own community. She may have thought about
returning to the island, but her overriding commitment was to Hartford.
Her involvement in Democratic politics was marked
by loyalty to the party and a strong concern for issues affecting
Puerto Ricans. At times she failed to cash in on her loyalty to
advance Puerto Rican interests but this weakness was not the result
of faintheartedness. In solidarity she was motherly but in conflict
she could be unforgiving. Sánchez was the epitome of the
ward-heeling politician, even if she conducted most of her business
from behind the counter of her newsstand on Albany Avenue. For a
long time she was the sole Puerto Rican in the city with sufficient
recognition and standing to be politically credible and influential
in and out of the Democratic Party. She was a driving force behind
most of the community's political achievements: winning concessions
from the Catholic archdiocese in Hartford and the Democratic Party;
helping organize influential groups; establishing crucial educational
programs; and helping elect political figures, both Puerto Rican
and otherwise. Relative to the cadre of middle-class professionals
that emerged as leaders in the 1970s, she was politically conservative;
when Edwin Vargas Jr. challenged the Democratic machine in 1977,
Sánchez advised Nick Carbone to simply crush him. She was
never close to the Puerto Rican Political Action Committee of Connecticut,
a group that during the 1980s was one of the most electorally effective
and influential in the city. However in other regards she was to
the left of her party and in the vanguard of her community.
María Sánchez wanted first-class
citizenship for Puerto Ricans as much as she wanted services and
benefits for the Puerto Rican community. As she put it during a
public forum at Immaculate Conception Church in 1979: “One of the
reasons why I'm with the Democratic Party is to see what can be
done for those of us who are here that are suffering the consequences
of the decisions that are made without consulting the 30,000 Hispanics
that live in this city.” Her concerns could be intensely parochial.
For example, she was extremely unhappy when La Casa de Puerto Rico
moved from Albany Avenue to Wadsworth Street. To her this meant
that North End Puerto Ricans would not benefit from La Casa's services
as much as Puerto Ricans in Frog Hollow. But even this minor flaw
must be seen in context, her interests were always selfless and
focused on what she perceived to be the best for the greatest number.
Nothing illustrates better her selfless regard than the fact that
when she marched into the state legislature she did not know that
the position carried a stipend, nor did she care.
In
1993, the María Sánchez elementary school opened its
doors to the children of Frog Hollow. The school stands today not
just in honor of Sánchez's memory but as a testimony to a
productive and fortunate life. Education was María's passion.
Politics was the vehicle that carried her aspirations. Sánchez's
vision was clearly expressed in the platform of the Puerto Rican
Democrats of Hartford: "We have to make this community our
community," she and her colleagues declared, "and make
it help us fight our problems. We have to show people around us
that we can live with them and successfully adopt their way of life."
José
E. Cruz is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University
at Albany, State University of New York. This article is adapted
from his book, Identity and Power: Puerto Rican Politics and
the Challenge of Ethnicity (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1998). The book can be purchased at www.temple.edu/tempress
for $24.95.
This article originally appeared in
the Summer 2003 issue of HOG RIVER JOURNAL. For more information,
visit www.hogriver.org. |