World War I to the Present

The modern era is best studied in the superabundant government publications, newspapers, and manuscript collections. Few interested students have the time, training, or inclination to do that, of course. But this era of Connecticut history had relatively little written about it in general secondary accounts.

Bingham's work is stronger than Van Dusen's for political history of the 20th century to 1960. Herbert Janick's volume in the Pequot Series, designed for high school use, has short, useful bibliographies at the end of each chapter, but his little volume does not pretend to be a definitive study.

Beyond what is found in general histories, very little has been written about Connecticut during World War I. What there is focuses for the most part on the state's role as munitions maker for the world--after 1917 only for the Allies and associated powers, of course. There are two histories of the famous 26th Yankee Division:

Benwell, Henry A. History of the Yankee Division. Boston: The Cornhill Co., 1919. A work of nearly 300 pages that includes a "Roster of Officers," written by a journalist. Except for the "Roster", investigators will do better with the following book.

Taylor, Emerson Gifford. New England in France, 1917-1919: A History of the 26th Division, U.S.A. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1920. The author was a major and acting chief of staff. A thorough study with a good index, but no citation of sources.

The best work on society and politics in Connecticut during the war is a doctoral dissertation: Bruce Fraser, "Yankees at War: Social Mobilization on the Connecticut Homefront, 1917-18" (Columbia, 1976). Studies of the home front have focused on national efforts to mobilize resources and opinion, Fraser tells us, but "traditional explanations of the exercise of power and influence" in mobilization "have never been tested on the local level." He makes that test and finds that the "ideological climate in which the war effort progressed in Connecticut was shaped less by the intentions of federal propagandists than by the cultural anxieties of the state's old line elite. In Connecticut, the wartime need for a clear statement of core values and beliefs around which society could cohere came just at the time that elite illusions about the unquestioned dominance of old-line culture suddenly collapsed. The Administration's creation of the state council network in the early days of the war provided a convenient vehicle through which the supremacy of old-line values in the state could be reestablished. The Connecticut experience demonstrates the ability of energetic local organizations in 1917-1918 to alter significantly a wide range of mobilization arrangements made in Washington." (from the abstract)

In "Mobilization and Cooperative Federalism: The Connecticut State of Defense, 1917-1919," in The Historian 42 (November, 1979) 1:58-84, William J. Breen chides Fraser for emphasizing the role of the Connecticut Council in preserving "old-line values" against Federal intrusion--a "gate-keeping function"--rather than its two-way "cooperative federalism" function, which Breen stresses. "Connecticut had one of a small group of really outstanding state councils which made a genuine contribution to the war effort on the home front." (p. 84) See also Breen's "Social Values Through Mobilization Programs: The Connecticut State Council of Defense, 1917-1918," in Elaine F. Barry and Norman D. Harper, eds., American Studies Down Under: Pacific Circle 4 (Australian and New Zealand American Studies Association, 1978), pages 235-58. Breen teaches at LaTrobe University in Melbourne.

A few articles and a couple of dissertations discuss politics and society in the 1920s.

Dahill, Edwin. "Connecticut's J. Henry Roraback." Doctoral dissertation, Columbia, 1971. See below, in the "Biographies" section.

Buenker, John D. "The Politics of Resistance: The Rural-Based Yankee Republican Machines of Connecticut and Rhode Island," New England Quarterly 47 (June, 1974) 212-37.

Janick, Herbert. "Senator Frank Brandegee and the Election of 1920." The Historian 36 (May, 1973). Explores a moment in the life of this Republican political heavyweight from New London, senator from 1905 to 1924.

Kammerman, David. "Reflections Upon an Anti-World War II Letter: John A. Danaher and United States Intervention in World War II." Connecticut History 23 (April, 1982) :46-55. This is an important contribution to the very thin literature of the period. Danaher makes an emotional but well-reasoned plea for non-intervention. The article includes the text of a letter of May 29, 1941, and a brief biography of Danaher, a Republican, then a U.S. senator. The author was Danaher's executive secretary.

Lancaster, Lane W. "Background of a State Boss." American Journal of Sociology 35 (March, 1930) 5. The author concludes that, in 1930, "The 'boss' system of Connecticut, while operating in a highly urbanized environment, rests essentially upon a rural and small-town point of view. While the population of pure native stock is but a small proportion of the total, the present [1930] system is primarily the product of the hold which that section of the population has upon the government of the state." (p. 783) This is largely the story of Roraback. Lancaster cites a wealth of sources, but among the most interesting are three articles in the National Municipal Review: "The Democratic Party in Connecticut," and "Connecticut Consolidates State Financial Control," both in 18 (August, 1928) :451-55 and 265-67; and "Rotten Boroughs and the Connecticut Legislature," 13 (1924) :678-83.

Mitchell, Rowland Lippincott, Jr. "Social Legislation in Connecticut. 1919-1939.” Doctoral dissertation, Yale, 1954. Progressive reforms were tempered in the 1920s because of Connecticut's economic slowdown relative to other states, rural dominance of the General Assembly, and one-party dominance by a laissez-faire, business-oriented Republican leadership. The Depression acted as a catalyst, however, and ultimately all the reformers' programs were enacted. "If Connecticut's case was typical, however, the Federal government in becoming more active, had not usurped any power. On the contrary, the state had demonstrated that it was both unwilling and, more important, unable in many cases to deal with the economic and social needs of the wage earners." (p. i).

Shubert, Bruce. "The Palmer Raids in Connecticut." The Connecticut Review 5 (October, 1971) 1. Some of the most inhumane and illegal acts by U.S. Attorney General Palmer were carried out in Bridgeport and other places in the state against Russian immigrants, who were jailed, held incommunicado, and sent out of the country.

The New Deal era is discussed in Mitchell, above, and in two doctoral dissertations:

Lombardo, Peter Joseph, Jr. "Connecticut in the Great Depression, 1929-1933" (Notre Dame, 1979). This is a narrative of 257 typescript pages that brings together a considerable body of information not elsewhere collected. Lombardo concludes that, though Governor Cross, "characteristically called for a middle way.... Connecticut was entering a 'New epoch' in history." (from the abstract)

Murray, Mary Hickson. "Wilbur L. Cross: Connecticut Statesman and Humanitarian, 1930-1935" (University of Connecticut, 1972). Sister Mary Murray examines changes in social welfare policy, government reorganization, and the disintegration of the Republican machine.

See also "Homer S. Cummings and the 1932 Presidential Campaign" CHS Bulletin 48 (Winter, 1983) 1:1-9, by Thomas T. Spencer. "Cummings, a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee...served as official advisor on the Roosevelt campaign staff, floor leader for the Roosevelt forces at the Democratic National Convention...[and] as Attorney General."

Published recently is a revised and completely rewritten version of a biography of John Bailey by Joseph Lieberman. The biography is listed in the "Biographies" section below. The new work is The Legacy: Connecticut Politics, 1930 to 1980 (Hartford: Spoonwood Press, 1981). The work still focuses on Bailey, but Lieberman, a practicing politician, covers all the elections, politics, and significant governmental affairs during the half century included. Lieberman's last chapters constitute primary source materials: he was a participant in the events he discusses. The work will fill an obvious gap in the state's political history.

See also George J. Bassett, "Bank Closings in Connecticut," in Connecticut Bar Journal 16 (July, 1942) 3:208-22. There were fifty mergers or liquidations in Connecticut between 1930 and 1933. The author was state bank commissioner.

An interesting peek into the private lives of young Connecticut men and women during the Depression is People Who Intermarry: Intermarriage in a New England Industrial Community (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1946), by Milton L. Barren. The town is Derby. The bulk of Barron’s book examines every marriage in town between 1930 and 1940. Barron found that the incidence of ethnic and racial intermarriages varied directly with the differences between bride and groom--lowest when involving different races, higher when religions differed, and highest when only ethnic differences were present.

There are a number of works that examine aspects of Connecticut society since the Depression, but none that look at participation by state figures and organizations in World War II. Politics during that era, however, are ably described and analyzed in John W. Jeffries’ Testing the Roosevelt Coalition: Connecticut Society and Politics in the Era of World War II (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1979), based on a 1973 Yale dissertation. This is an authoritative, scholarly work. Between 1928 and 1936, stress and change--Al Smith, ethnic concerns, the Depression, and the New Deal--tended to reinvigorate Connecticut politics, Jeffries tells us. FDR's coalition of 1932 and 1936 felt its first real strains when Italians bolted the party in significant numbers because of Roosevelt's pro-Allied position, and were further alienated during the War. But despite this major defection and Republican victories after the War, Jeffries finds, voting patterns were fairly continuous, those of the 1940s closely resembling those of 1936. "The Roosevelt coalition had [by 1948] in the main become the Democratic coalition, and the Democrats remained the true majority party of the state." (from the dissertation abstract)

Works focusing on politics and society since World War II are not numerous, but interested readers can find useful items in the "Biographies” section. Government publications have been omitted from this bibliography as a general category; nevertheless, a few creep in here and there. One of those is Gerald Sirkin's The Connecticut Economy: An Economic Study, 1939-1956 (Hartford: Connecticut Development Commission, 1957). The Commission has published many such works, but Sirkin's is one of the most general. William Edward Leuchtenburg's Flood Control Politics: The Connecticut River Valley Problem, 1927-1950 (Cambridge: Harvard University press, 1953), based on a Columbia doctoral dissertation, analyzes a regional issue that achieved national proportions. One would expect disagreement over various technical questions and location of dams, Leuchtenburg suggests, but what is surprising is the bitterness of the strife, the important part flood control played in the political contests of the period, and the elevation by 1950 of the resources fight in New England to a national issue, finding a place in the president's State of the Union message. (P. 1)

In an attempt to resolve these conflicts, the Connecticut Valley states have sought to rely on the doctrine of states' rights. . . . Largely as a consequence of the acceptance of this doctrine, the states have attempted to develop the Valley by ignoring the principle that sound river valley development is based on treating the river basin as a single unit. The result has been a chronicle of failure [as of 1951]. (p. 257)

W. Duane Lockhard's 1952 Yale dissertation, "The Role of Party in the Connecticut General Assembly, 1931-1951," resulted in an article, "Legislative Politics in Connecticut," American Political Science Review 48 (March, 1954) and, expanded in New England State Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959).

Speel, Robert W. Changing Patterns of Voting in the Northern United States: Electoral Realignment, 1952-1996. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998. See review in Journal of American History 86 (December 1999) 3: v. 1405.

White, John Kenneth. The Fractured Electorals: Political Parties and Social Change in Southern New England, Hanover, University Press of New England, 1983. Deals with politics in Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Connecticut c. 1960 to 1982. White sees a virtual one-party Democratic dominance. The major shifts have been: 1) Immigrant-Catholic vs Protestant replaced by college-bred professionals vs old industrial workers; 2) parties threatened by free-lancing politicians and the electronic media as linking the people with the government.

Contemporary history can be studied through sociology, economics, and political science, so that serious scholars will have to do an interdisciplinary bibliographic search to get any real depth. Check also under "Industry," "Urban," "Immigration and Ethnic," and "Black" topics in this bibliography. Central materials--indeed, of greater importance than those listed above--will be found in the "Biographies" section under William Benton, Raymond Baldwin, Simeon E. Baldwin, Chester Bowles, Wilbur Cross, Richard Lee, and Wilbert Snow.

 

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